More disturbingly, emails show exchanges of compromising material. In one instance, Epstein forwarded sexually explicit content from a Liberian scandal in November 2007. Epstein wrote to Sulayem that he heard a “funny story” from a woman they both knew. Sulayem, recipient of a UN gender equality award in 2022, responded crudely: “Yes after several attemps for several months we managed to meet in NY. There is a missunderstanding she she wanted some BUSINESS! while i only wanted some PUSSYNESS!”
“Praise Allah, there are still people like you”, Epstein replied. Adding to the depravity, as the BBC details, in April 2009, Epstein emailed Sulayem with the subject line “Where are you? are you ok I loved the torture video”. The message implies Sulayem had shared or sent the video, though its contents remain unclear, and no further context was provided in the files. This exchange, flagged by US Congressman Thomas Massie after reviewing unredacted documents, underscores the pair’s comfort in trading potentially illicit material, raising questions about Sulayem’s judgement and possible involvement in darker activities.
The revelations from the US Justice Department’s release of Epstein files at the end of January 2026 proved too damaging for Sulayem to weather. As Reuters reported, on 13 February 2026, DP World announced Sulayem’s resignation as chairman and chief executive, effective immediately. The company, a cornerstone of Dubai’s economy, handling around 10% of global container traffic, appointed Essa Kazim as the new chairman and Yuvraj Narayan as group CEO amid mounting pressure from partners and scrutiny over the Epstein ties.
His sacking marks a stunning fall for the architect of DP World’s expansion, who had served in top roles since 2007. Critics point to how the scandal highlights vulnerabilities in global trade networks, where figures like Sulayem enable Zionist colony influence through port operations in strategic locations. Dubai’s Government, overseeing DP World, moved swiftly to distance itself, removing Sulayem’s photo from the company’s website and signalling a clean break. Yet, the episode prompts broader reflection: how many other alliances lurk in the shadows of Zionist imperial commerce?
These sordid revelations demand accountability and also a deeper examination of how these networks perpetuate exploitation, and promote the expansionist aims of the Zionist regime — the push towards Pax Judaica. DP World has facilities in ports in Africa in the following countries visited by Epstein: Angola, Mozambique, Rwanda, and Senegal. There is, so far, no concrete evidence that Epstein visited Algeria, Egypt, or Somaliland, where DP World also had sites.
Zionist Penetration via DP World Ports in Africa
Epstein’s documented travels and connections to these DP World-operated countries reveal a pattern of Zionist-facilitated infiltration, where ports serve as gateways for intelligence operations, resource exploitation, and cyber surveillance — often involving Unit 8200 veterans and Israeli firms.
North Africa: Algeria
Beyond Epstein-visited nations, DP World’s African footprint amplifies Zionist activity. Algeria’s Djen Djen port has had a DP World concession since 2009. Algeria maintains no diplomatic relations with Israel and has historically opposed Zionist interests, including through support for Palestinian causes. It is highly likely that the Mossad or Unit 8200 personnel are using the DP World port for covert operations. As we saw in Part 1 of this investigation, the Mossad set up a terror network across North Africa in the 1950s to combat pressure for decolonisation. The terror network, given the name ha-Misgeret or ‘The Framework’ was active, especially in Morocco, but also in Algeria.
Initially focused on Morocco, ha-Misgeret expanded into Algeria by 1955, establishing armed cells in key regions like Constantinois, Oranie, and Algerois. As research by Michael M. Laskier shows, Mossad agents trained local Jewish youth in self-defence, but these units quickly escalated to offensive actions against Algerian nationalists. This network operated under the guise of communal protection, yet it aligned with French colonial forces resisting decolonisation. The Zionist entity supplied intelligence to France on arms shipments to the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), enabling seizures like the 1956 interception of the Athos vessel off Morocco’s coast.
Ha-Misgeret’s Role in Resisting Algerian Independence
In Algeria, ha-Misgeret actively sabotaged the push for freedom from French rule. As Nedjib Sidi Moussa writes, the network launched its first major operation in Constantine in 1956, mobilising around 100 young Jews for violent reprisals against FLN attacks on Jewish businesses.
These ‘self-defence’ actions devolved into a cycle of terror. Ha-Misgeret units conducted assassinations and bombings, targeting FLN fighters and civilians alike. For months, as the same source chronicles, the group inflicted terror strikes on the FLN, ignoring French military pleas to de-escalate.
The network’s crimes extended to collaboration with the Organisation Armée Secrète (OAS), a far-right French settler militia opposing independence. Mossad backed OAS plots, including a 1963 regime change attempt against President Ahmed Ben Bella, thwarted by Algerian forces who arrested 10 Zionist agents and 20 proxies. OAS, with its Jewish faction led by figures like Jean Ghenassia, received Mossad training in clandestine warfare, having taken pat in the Nakba on the Zionist side. As Joseph Massad writes, this alliance framed Algerian independence as an antisemitic conspiracy, echoing Zionist propaganda to justify atrocities.
Ha-Misgeret’s operations inflicted grave harm on Algeria’s decolonisation efforts. As Laskier notes, Mossad’s armed cells organised assassinations of FLN members and sympathisers, sowing division and prolonging colonial violence. In one notorious episode, Laskier confirms ha-Misgeret neutralised perceived threats through targeted killings. These acts, spanning 1956 to 1961, claimed numerous lives and disrupted FLN logistics, aligning with French torture campaigns that killed hundreds of thousands.
Mossad Operations in Algeria Post-independence
Post-independence, Mossad’s shadow lingered. As Ian Black and Benny Morris suggest in their book Israel’s Secret Wars: A History of Israel’s Intelligence Services, agents attempted to hijack Ben Bella’s plane, echoing ha-Misgeret’s legacy of terror.
Today, as a result, no doubt of the resistance of Algeria to Zionism, there is little evidence of Israeli Unit 8200 founded firms infiltrating the country, except for the NSO Group. There is, however, evidence of Mossad spying operations. Algerian authorities said they uncovered at least two spy rings and one individual spy linked to Israel since 2000, involving around 19–20 people.
- 2007: One Algerian journalist was sentenced to 10 years in prison for allegedly spying for Israel in the Kabylie region.
- 2015-2018 (Ghardaïa Spy Ring): Algerian security forces claimed to arrest 10 individuals in 2015 (reported in 2017) from countries including Libya, Mali, Ethiopia, Liberia, Nigeria, Kenya, Guinea, and a Lebanese-born Liberian, who was accused of operating a spy network for Israel using sophisticated communications equipment. In 2018, a court sentenced seven or eight of them: one (the alleged leader) to death, and six or seven others to 10 years for espionage, undermining security, and terrorism-related charges.
- 2024 (Tlemcen Spy Ring): President Tebboune announced the dismantling of an espionage network with Moroccan and Israeli links, involving arrests for spying on ports and other sites using Moroccan passports.